Syntax: DP Movement & Case Theory Explained by Andrew Carnie

Added:

Movement Puzzles
Case as License
Case Positions
Case Filter
Feature Checking
Simple Sentence Move
Raising Steps
Minimal Link
Raising vs Control

Movement Puzzles

0:00
Playing Section
  • 1

    Raises question why DP moves in raising constructions despite EPP fulfillment.

  • 2

    Contrasts with expletive strategy in 'it is likely that...' sentences.

  • 3

    Identifies case theory as the key motivational framework.

Understanding of X-bar theory and basic phrase structure, particularly the internal structure of Determiner Phrases (DPs) and Tense Phrases (TPs).
Familiarity with Theta Theory, including how thematic roles (like Agent and Theme) are assigned and the requirements of the Theta Criterion.
A foundational grasp of syntactic movement (specifically A-movement) and the concept of 'traces' or copy theory of movement.
An introductory awareness of the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and its demand that clauses have subjects.
Contrasting Raising constructions with Control constructions (e.g., the structural differences between 'John seems to be happy' and 'John tries to be happy').
Applying DP movement and Case Theory to passive constructions, including an exploration of Burzio's Generalization.
Exploring the Minimalist Program's approach to Case and Agreement, focusing on feature valuation and the 'Agree' operation.
Investigating A-bar movement (such as Wh-movement and Topicalization) and comparing its constraints and landing sites with A-movement.
14.3K views249likes18:22@CarnieSyntaxthEditionOriginal Release: 2020-09-29

In generative syntax, DPs move in raising constructions (e.g., 'John is likely to leave') because they need to reach case positions—specifically the specifier of TP for nominative case, the complement of V for accusative case, or the complement of P for prepositional case. The case filter requires that all DPs must have their case features checked in local configurations, and this abstract case licensing, combined with the Extended Projection Principle's requirement for subjects, motivates DP movement from their base positions in embedded clauses to higher clause positions where they can receive proper case assignment.